Donald Trump’s Strangest Bedfellows: Part 22
Manufacturing an Ogre
This is Part 22 of a blog series titled “Donald Trump’s Strangest Bedfellows.”
Although each entry in the series has some information and commentary that
can be of interest “standing alone,” each builds on information, concepts, and commentary
introduced in earlier entries in the series, and thus it is most effective to
read the material sequentially from the beginning.
Click here to go to the first entry in the series, Part 1.
Washington Post, May 7 1919:
CHICAGOANS CHEER TAR [Sailor] WHO SHOT MAN
Sailor Wounds Pageant Spectator Disrespectful to Flag.
Chicago, May 6 – Disrespect for the American flag and a show of resentment toward the thousands who participated in a victory loan pageant here tonight may cost George Goddard his life. He was shot down by a sailor of the United States navy when he did not stand and remove his hat while the band was playing the “Star-Spangled Banner.”
Goddard had a seat of vantage in the open amphitheater. When he failed to stand he was the most conspicuous figure among the throng.
When he fell at the report of the “sailor’s” gun the crowd burst into cheers and hand-clapping.
When Goddard failed to respond to the first strains of the national anthem Samuel Hagerman, sailor in the guard of honor asked him to get up. “What for?” demanded Goddard. “Hagerman touched him with his bayonet.
“Get up. Off with your hat.” Goddard muttered and drew a pistol. With military precision Hagerman stepped back a pace and slipped a shell into his gun.
Goddard started away. As the last notes of the anthem sounded the sailor commanded him to halt. Then he fired into the air. “Halt!” Goddard paid no attention.
The sailor aimed and fired three times. Goddard fell wounded. Each shot found its mark.
When he [Goddard] was searched, an automatic pistol, in addition to the one he had drawn, was found. Another pistol and fifty cartridges were found in a bag he carried. He said he was a tinsmith, out of work. Papers showed he had been at Vancouver and Seattle and it was believed by the authorities he had come here for the I.W.W. convention.
1919 was not a good year for anyone in the US who was not perceived by those around him as “100% American.”
And as you can see from the news report above, it didn’t take much to put someone under suspicion.
Looking back on the conditions of the time, it is easy to understand why. World War 1 created an upheaval in American society in many ways.
During the First World War, there was a nationwide campaign in the United States against the real and imagined divided political loyalties of immigrants and ethnic groups, who were feared to have too much loyalty for their nations of origin. Particular targets were Germans, with sympathies for their homeland, and Irish, whose countrymen were in revolt against America’s ally, the United Kingdom.
In 1915, President Wilson warned against hyphenated Americans who, he charged, had “poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national life.” “Such creatures of passion, disloyalty and anarchy”, Wilson continued “must be crushed out”. The Russian Revolution of 1917 added special force to fear of labor agitators and partisans of ideologies like anarchism and communism. [Source]
And things didn’t get better when the war was over. They got worse.
The emotional pitch of World War I did not abate with the armistice, and rampant inflation, unemployment, massive and violent strikes, and brutal race riots in the United States contributed to a sense of fear and foreboding in 1919. [Source]
As described in the previous entry in this series, for some reason many in government, the mass media, and citizens in the upper and middle classes of America had a difficult time conceiving that striking workers might have honest, legitimate, deep concerns about poverty-level wages, and miserable and dangerous (or even deadly) working conditions.
Yes, “outside influences” (such as Communist agitators) could exacerbate those concerns. But the solution to that problem ought to have been to work toward FIXING what was wrong. Negotiating fair wages and humane working conditions, putting the welfare of the workers on an equal level of importance with high profits for corporate leaders and stockholders, would assure that the outsiders had no foothold.
But sending state militia and National Guard troops to threaten and beat striking workers into submission and force them back to work had long been a quicker…and cheaper…fix. Too bad about the “collateral damage” sometimes to even wives and children of striking workers…as seen in these photos and information about the 1914 “Ludlow Massacre.” But that was one of the costs of doing Big Business.
The Ludlow Massacre was an attack by the Colorado National Guard and Colorado Fuel & Iron Company camp guards on a tent colony of 1,200 striking coal miners and their families at Ludlow, Colorado, on April 20, 1914.
Ludlow miners’ tent city before the Massacre:
Miners and their families before the Massacre:
Ludlow tent city after the Massacre.
About two dozen people, including miners’ wives and children, were killed. The chief owner of the mine, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., was widely criticized for the incident.
The massacre, the culmination of an extensive strike against Colorado coal mines, resulted in the violent deaths of between 19 and 26 people; reported death tolls vary but include two women and eleven children [the youngest were 2 months and 6 months old], asphyxiated and burned to death under a single tent. [They were in a pit, originally dug as a makeshift cellar below the tent.]
The deaths occurred after a daylong fight between militia and camp guards against striking workers.
Ludlow was the deadliest single incident in the southern Colorado Coal Strike, which lasted from September 1913 through December 1914.
A contemporary description of the event:
… the militia “fired the two largest buildings—the strikers’ stores—and going from tent to cent, poured oil on the flimsy structures, setting fire to them. From the blazing tents rushed the women and children, only to be beaten back into the fire by the rain of bullets from the militia. The men rushed to the assistance of their families; and as they did so, they were dropped as the whirring messengers of death sped surely to the mark… into the cellars—the pits of hell under their blazing tents—crept the women and children, less fearful of the smoke and flames than of the nameless horror of the spitting bullets.
One man counted the bodies of nine little children, taken from one ashy pit, their tiny fingers burned away as they held to the edge in their struggle to escape… thugs in State uniform hacked at the lifeless forms, in some instances nearly cutting off heads and limbs to show their contempt for the strikers. Fifty-five women and children perished in the fire of the Ludlow tent colony. Relief parties carrying the Red Cross flag were driven back by the gunmen, and for twenty-four hours the bodies lay crisping in the ashes, while rescuers vainly tried to cross the firing line.”
In the end, the strikers failed to obtain their demands, the union did not obtain recognition, and many striking workers were replaced by new workers.
Eventually there was some sympathy across the nation when these gory details came to light. But early in the strike, media reports no doubt convinced many citizens that these strikers were just unreasonable men, bent on causing a civil disturbance that was extremely unpleasant for those who expected law and order in their nation. Here are a few details about what led to the strike. You decide if the miners had legitimate reasons to risk their lives to try to make changes in the industry.
…Mining was dangerous and difficult work. Colliers [coal workers] in Colorado were at constant risk for explosion, suffocation, and collapsing mine walls. In 1912, the death rate in Colorado’s mines was 7.055 per 1,000 employees, compared to a national rate of 3.15. In 1914, the United States House Committee on Mines and Mining reported that “Colorado has good mining laws and such that ought to afford protection to the miners as to safety in the mine if they were enforced, yet in this State the percentage of fatalities is larger than any other, showing there is undoubtedly something wrong in reference to the management of its coal mines.”
Miners were generally paid according to tonnage of coal produced, while so-called “dead work”, such as shoring up unstable roofs, was often unpaid. According to historian Thomas G. Andrews, the tonnage system drove many poor and ambitious colliers to gamble with their lives by neglecting precautions and taking on risk, with consequences that were often fatal.
Between 1884 and 1912, mining accidents claimed the lives of more than 1,700 Coloradans. In 1913 alone, “104 men would die in Colorado’s mines, and 6 in the mine workings on the surface, in accidents that widowed 51 and left 108 children fatherless.”
That was the year before the strike.
…Colliers had little opportunity to air their grievances. Many colliers resided in company towns, in which all land, real estate, and amenities were owned by the mine operator, and which were expressly designed to inculcate loyalty and squelch dissent.
…Historian Philip S. Foner has described company towns as “feudal domain[s], with the company acting as lord and master. … The ‘law’ consisted of the company rules. Curfews were imposed. Company guards – brutal thugs armed with machine guns and rifles loaded with soft-point bullets – would not admit any ‘suspicious’ stranger into the camp and would not permit any miner to leave.” Furthermore, miners who raised the ire of the company were liable to find themselves and their families summarily evicted from their homes.
“Feudal domains.” That sounds a lot like the life in Russia under the Tsars, eh?
No wonder many American industrialists were concerned about “Communist agitators.”
Concerned enough to create ads like this one that were published in newspapers across the land in 1919.
Note the claims about American business and industry…”Our workers are well paid and many of them own their own homes…Employers and employees are getting closer together and the workers are participating in industrial affairs more and more every day.”
Try telling that to the workers in Ludlow. Or the Boston police who struck in 1919, as described in an earlier entry in this series. Or these child laborers, photographed circa 1910. I doubt that the working conditions in industries they were involved in improved any from 1910 to 1919.
I met one little fellow ten years old in Mt. Carbon, W. Va., last year, who was employed as a “trap boy.” Think of what it means to be a trap boy at ten years of age. It means to sit alone in a dark mine passage hour after hour, with no human soul near; to see no living creature except the mules as they pass with their loads, or a rat or two seeking to share one’s meal; to stand in water or mud that covers the ankles, chilled to the marrow by the cold draughts that rush in when you open the trap door for the mules to pass through; to work for fourteen hours—waiting—opening and shutting a door—then waiting again for sixty cents; to reach the surface when all is wrapped in the mantle of night, and to fall to the earth exhausted and have to be carried away to the nearest “shack” to be revived before it is possible to walk to the farther shack called “home.”
Boys twelve years of age may be legally employed in the mines of West Virginia, by day or by night, and for as many hours as the employers care to make them toil or their bodies will stand the strain. Where the disregard of child life is such that this may be done openly and with legal sanction, it is easy to believe what miners have again and again told me—that there are hundreds of little boys of nine and ten years of age employed in the coal mines of this state.
[John Spargo, The Bitter Cry of Children (New York: Macmillan, 1906), 163–165.]
“View of the Ewen Breaker of the Pennsylvania Coal Co. The dust was so dense at times as to obscure the view. This dust penetrated the utmost recesses of the boys’ lungs. A kind of slave-driver sometimes stands over the boys, prodding or kicking them into obedience. South Pittston, Pennsylvania.”
“Many of the breaker boys suffered from chronic coughs. “There are twenty boys in that breaker,” one of the foremen said, “and I bet you could shovel fifty pounds of coal dust out of their system.” … Their faces black with soot, they sat in rows on wooden boards placed over coal chutes. As coal came pouring through the chutes, the boys bent over, reached down, and picked out pieces of slate and stone that could not burn.
They had to watch carefully, since coal and slate look so much alike. If a boy reached too far and slipped into the coal that was constantly flowing beneath him, he could be mangled or killed. “While I was there, two breaker boys fell or were carried into the coal chute, where they were smothered to death.” [Lewis Hine]
I’m sure that those two were only two of many. Like this lad working in a mine in Wilkesbarre, PA in 1911.
The reality is that there was much in the US in 1919 that would remind anyone…who had eyes wide open…of conditions in The Old World under feudalism. So it is no wonder that there was concern that “revolutionary attitudes” might be creeping into the lower echelons of American society. Since those in power and authority in the land were deeply entrenched in maintaining the way things had always been done, including Jim Crow laws and customs, and totally unfettered capitalism, there was no chance of any real societal changes.
Instituting equal rights for Negroes, and introducing truly widespread, meaningful changes in wages and working conditions in Big Industry—such as the mines, the mills, the factories—were not on the table as possible solutions.
What to do? What to do? Why of course…the logical solution left for those wanting to maintain the status quo and suppress the disruption of strikes and racial unrest…was to create a straw man enemy who could draw the attention of the masses away from any “practical” problems.
It was necessary to Manufacture an Ogre.
Or, more correctly, to manufacture the reputation that such an already-existing Ogre was an imminent threat to America the Beautiful.
Just a couple of years before, a ready-made ogre helped pull the nation together.
(In case you ever wondered where the inspiration for the posters in a later era came from…)
You’ll notice that these WW1 posters didn’t just create antagonism toward the “government” of Germany or the Kaiser of Germany…the purpose of the propaganda in these posters was to create a white-hot rage within Americans toward all Germans… “The Hun.” The propaganda was so effective that Americans with German family backgrounds…or even just “German sounding” names…all came under suspicion. Even from friends and neighbors they had known for years.
The Hun had a pet, too… the dachshund, often used as another “symbol” for Germany in propaganda posters. The Kaiser himself had often been photographed with his own three dachshunds.
And thus the breed literally fell out of favor in the US for years!
But as quickly as The Hun became the Ogre du Jour in US propaganda, the war was over, and Germans became our friends once again (until the next round of German aggression.) No, in 1919 there was no way to blame the Germans, who were busy trying to rebuild their own country from the devastation of the Great War, for current events in the US.
Including the Seattle General Strike, which came in February that year.
The Seattle General Strike of 1919 was a five-day general work stoppage by more than 65,000 workers in the city of Seattle, Washington, which lasted from February 6 to February 11 of that year. Dissatisfied workers in several unions began the strike to gain higher wages after two years of World War I wage controls. Most other local unions, including members of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), joined the walkout. Although the strike was non-violent and lasted less than a week, government officials, the press, and much of the public viewed the strike as a radical attempt to subvert US institutions.
Could it possibly be that the strike reflected honest concerns of American citizens? Nah. No way. Some “outside force” had to be involved. Or at least it was necessary, for the sake of the Public Good, that one be identified and made the focus of attention. A new Ogre needed to be manufactured.
Some commentators raised alarm by calling it [the Seattle strike] the work of Bolsheviks and other radicals inspired by “un-American” ideologies, making it the first concentrated eruption of the anti-Red hysteria that characterized the Red Scare of 1919 and 1920. [Source]
Although there doesn’t seem to be any evidence that “radical agitators” somehow brought about the strike, nor that highly organized radical organizations were guiding its path, there is no question that some “took advantage” of it, once it was underway, to promote their own agendas. Pamphlets promoting “revolutionary ideas” were widely distributed on the streets of the city during the strike. Some media reports tended to imply that the strike must have been master-minded by a well-organized and wide-spread underground national movement bent on overthrowing the US government and Communizing the nation.
However—if that was true, the “movement” was lousy at its work! The strike only lasted five days. And in the end, pressure from national union leaders, threats from the Mayor—who brought in federal troops, beefed up the police force, and promised to violently crush any attempt at “revolution”—and the growing inconveniences of life in the city under siege prompted almost all the workers to just give up and go back to work.
None of that mattered, though. The intense national media attention focused on the strike, and speculation on its connection to radical elements, gave one man all the raw materials he needed to manufacture a custom-made Ogre to present to the nation as the source of all unrest.
That one man was A. Mitchell Palmer.
Palmer was US Attorney General, appointed by Woodrow Wilson to fill a vacancy in his cabinet in March, 1919.
Almost immediately after his appointment Palmer became one of the targets of a cluster of bombings traced to a group of Italian anarchists who were dubbed “Galleanists” as followers of a man named Luigi Galleani.
Galleani was the founder and editor of the anarchist newsletter Cronaca Sovversiva (Subversive Chronicle), which he published and mailed from offices in Barre [Vermont, an Italian enclave of immigrant stone masons]…. Cronaca Sovversiva included a small advertisement for a booklet entitled La Salute è in voi! (Health is in You!), sold for 25 cents and described as a must-have for any proletarian family.
The foreword to the booklet, first published in 1905, said it was to remedy the “error” of advocating violence without giving subversives the physical means of destruction. Health Is In You! was an explicit bomb-making manual, in which Galleani supplied to his readers the chemical formula for making nitroglycerine, compiled by a friend and explosives expert, Professor Ettore Molinari.
Galleani’s handbook was characterized as accurate and practical by the New York City Bomb Squad, though an error Galleani made in transcribing Molinari’s explosive formula for nitroglycerine resulted in one or more premature explosions when the bomb-makers failed to notice the mistake. [OOPS!] Galleani provided a warning and corrected text to his readers in a 1908 issue of Cronaca Sovversiva. [Source]
“Letter bombs” had been mailed in late April to about 30 targeted individuals, including prominent government officials and businessmen as well as law enforcement officials. No one was killed, but a senator’s housekeeper’s hands were blown off when she unwittingly handled one of the bombs.
On June 2, 1919, a second wave of bombings occurred, when several much larger package bombs were detonated by Galleanists in eight American cities, including one that damaged the home of Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer in Washington, D.C. At least one person was killed in this second attack, night watchman William Boehner, and fears were raised because it occurred in the capital. Flyers declaring war on capitalists in the name of anarchist principles accompanied each bomb. [Source]
…the bomb intended for Attorney General Palmer’s home prematurely exploded [perhaps the bombmaker missed the issue of the mag with the “correction” to the formula…] and killed Carlo Valdinoci, who was a former editor of the Galleanist publication Cronaca Sovversiva and close associate of Galleani.
Though not seriously injured, Palmer and his family were shaken by the blast, and the house itself was largely demolished.
Two near-casualties of the same bomb were Assistant Secretary of the Navy Franklin Delano Roosevelt and his wife Eleanor, then living across the street from Palmer.
Roosevelt family, 1919
They had walked past the house just minutes before the explosion, and their residence was close enough that one of the bomber’s body parts landed on their doorstep.
It’s not quite clear why Palmer and many others lumped anarchists in with Communists and Socialists—and even just Russian worker’s union members—at this point and treated them as if they were all in cahoots with one another. But they indeed did, envisioning that all the groups were part of a concerted, organized effort of “radicals” of all stripes to “take over America.”
The very Ogre the nation needed at this time, against which to vent its frustrations.
In June 1919, Attorney General Palmer told the House Appropriations Committee that all evidence promised that radicals would “on a certain day…rise up and destroy the government at one fell swoop.” He requested an increase in his budget to $2,000,000 from $1,500,000 to support his investigations of radicals, but Congress limited the increase to $100,000.
An initial raid in July 1919 against an anarchist group in Buffalo, New York, achieved little when a federal judge tossed out Palmer’s case. He found in the case that the three arrested radicals, charged under a law dating from the Civil War, had proposed transforming the government by using their free speech rights and not by violence.
…On August 1, 1919, Palmer named 24-year-old J. Edgar Hoover to head a new division of the Justice Department’s Bureau of Investigation, the General Intelligence Division (GID), with responsibility for investigating the programs of radical groups and identifying their members.
The Palmer Raids begin
At 9 pm on November 7, 1919, a date chosen because it was the second anniversary of the Bolshevik revolution, agents of the Bureau of Investigation, together with local police, executed a series of well-publicized and violent raids against the Union of Russian Workers in 12 cities. Newspaper accounts reported some were “badly beaten” during the arrests. Many later swore they were threatened and beaten during questioning.
Again, it is not clear why the raids were not targeted against “Galleanists,” since they were the ones who had committed the notorious bombings earlier that year. But I suppose it was because the Russians were a much larger target, and thus easier with which to make headlines.
Government agents cast a wide net, bringing in some American citizens, passers-by who admitted being Russian, some not members of the Russian Workers. Others were teachers conducting night school classes in space shared with the targeted radical group.
Arrests far exceeded the number of warrants. Of 650 arrested in New York City, the government managed to deport just 43.
That was just the beginning.
… As Attorney General Palmer struggled with exhaustion and devoted all his energies to the United Mine Workers coal strike in November and December 1919, Hoover organized the next raids.
He successfully persuaded the Department of Labor to ease its insistence on promptly alerting those arrested of their right to an attorney. Instead Labor issued instructions that its representatives could wait until after the case against the defendant was established, “in order to protect government interests.”
Less openly, Hoover decided to interpret [the Department of] Labor’s agreement to act against the Communist Party to include a different organization, the Communist Labor Party.
Finally, despite the fact that Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson insisted that more than membership in an organization was required for a warrant, Hoover worked with more compliant Labor officials and overwhelmed Labor staff to get the warrants he wanted. Justice Department officials, including Palmer and Hoover, later claimed ignorance of such details.
The Justice Department launched a series of raids on January 2, 1920, with follow up operations over the next few days. Smaller raids extended over the next 6 weeks. At least 3000 were arrested, and many others were held for various lengths of time.
The entire enterprise replicated the November action on a larger scale, including arrests and seizures without search warrants, as well as detention in overcrowded and unsanitary holding facilities. Hoover later admitted “clear cases of brutality.”
The raids covered more than 30 cities and towns in 23 states, but those west of the Mississippi and south of the Ohio were “publicity gestures” designed to make the effort appear nationwide in scope.
Because the raids targeted entire organizations, agents arrested everyone found in organization meeting halls, not only arresting non-radical organization members but also visitors who did not belong to a target organization, and sometimes American citizens not eligible for arrest and deportation.
The Department of Justice at one point claimed to have taken possession of several bombs, but after a few iron balls were displayed to the press they were never mentioned again. All the raids netted a total of just four ordinary pistols.
Not everyone viewed all this frantic hoopla as positive news.
While most press coverage continued to be positive, with criticism only from leftist publications like The Nation and The New Republic, one attorney raised the first noteworthy protest. Francis Fisher Kane, the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, resigned in protest. In his letter of resignation to the President and the Attorney General he wrote: “It seems to me that the policy of raids against large numbers of individuals is generally unwise and very apt to result in injustice. People not really guilty are likely to be arrested and railroaded through their hearings….We appear to be attempting to repress a political party….By such methods we drive underground and make dangerous what was not dangerous before.”
And as the legal questions mounted, other, cooler heads prevailed.
…In a few weeks, after changes in personnel at the Department of Labor, Palmer faced a new and very independent-minded Acting Secretary of Labor in Assistant Secretary of Labor Louis Freeland Post, who canceled more than 2,000 warrants as being illegal.
Of the 10,000 arrested, 3,500 were held by authorities in detention; 556 resident aliens were eventually deported under the Immigration Act of 1918.
…Secretary of the Navy Josephus Daniels commented later that Palmer “was seeing red behind every bush and every demand for an increase in wages.“
And then came May Day 1920.
Palmer declared adamantly throughout April 1920 that the insidious, huge cabal of radicals in the nation had nefarious plans to attempt to overthrow the government of the United States on May 1, 1920. And the nation held its breath…for A. Mitchell Palmer had succeeded in manufacturing a Great Ogre upon which the citizens of the US could project their frustrations and fears. Just like the Angry Pitchfork People of the Frankenstein movie, coming against Dr. Frankenstein’s ogre-like monster.
So April 30 came, and the nation held its breath.
…And then let that breath back out on May 2.
There was no revolution in the US on May 1.
It was as if a huge monster…
…ended up being just a leaking bag of hot air.
Oh, this is NOT to say that there weren’t anarchists and Communists and Socialists in America at the time. There were. Sometimes some of them popped up here and there agitating and exacerbating social problems. But to think there was a huge, hidden, underground, highly-regimented, ready-to-spring-into-action revolutionary social movement in the US… just two years after the Russian Revolution had basically stumbled its way into reality over in feudal Europe…was a ridiculous notion to begin with.
A perspective that many shared after the May Day failure.
Chicago University Professor says danger from anarchistic doctrine is remote
The danger from anarchistic doctrines seems remote and almost visionary, the danger from undue growth of administrative power is much more real, “Professor Ernest Freund of the Chicago University Law School, declared in a statement presented to the Senate Judiciary committee today.
And as a result, A. Mitchell Palmer’s personal dreams also became totally…deflated. He had once been seen as a likely Democratic presidential candidate for 1920. But after all the bad press in the aftermath of the failure of May Day, he lost his bid for political greatness.
But of course, there is no connection between the manufacture of an Ogre in the long-ago second decade of the 1900s (and the accompanying political aspirations, and the madness of mobs)…and anything going on in the second decade of the 2000s.
October 15, 2016
It’s “pitchforks and torches time”, a prominent conservative sheriff tweeted on Saturday, with a condemnation of the government and media that echoes the increasingly heated rhetoric of Donald Trump’s presidential campaign.
David A Clarke, the elected sheriff of Milwaukee County, is a leading Trump supporter who has previously called Black Lives Matter activists the “enemy”.
Clarke paired what appeared to be an accusation of the corruption in most of the United States government with a photoshopped image of a crowd of people carrying burning sticks and pitchforks. [Source]
Clarke’s comments come at a time of growing anxiety over Trump’s repeated claims, without evidence, that the presidential election is rigged against him. At least one Trump supporter at a rally in Cincinnati on Friday was quoted by the Boston Globe as saying that if Clinton is elected, “I hope we can start a coup.”
“We’re going to have a revolution and take them out of office, if that’s what it takes,” the supporter said.
At a rally for Republican vice-presidential candidate Mike Pence on Thursday, a woman from the audience told the candidate she, too, would rather take action than allow a Democrat to win. “I don’t want this to happen – but I will tell you for me, personally, if Hillary Clinton gets in,” she warned, “I’m ready for a revolution because we can’t have her in.” [ibid]
Yes, the Ogre Manufacturing Business is still alive and well in 2017.
And actually, although A. Mitchell Palmer’s efforts were cut short, the Spirit of A. Mitchell lived on. Just as Doc Frankenstein “brought back to life” a dead body, upcoming entries in this series will be tracing a thread of “resurrections” through later decades that will ultimately lead to Donald Trump’s Strangest Bedfellows.
Stay tuned for the next installment of this series:
The Baptism of Capitalism